Mauro de Agostini, Pietro de Piero,
Italino Rossi, Marco Rossi,
Giorgio Sacchetti
PRISONERS & PARTISANS
ITALIAN ANARCHISTS IN THE
STRUGGLE AGAINST FASCISM
Free download from www.katesharpleylibrary.net
Kate Sharpley Library 1999
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 1
Mauro de Agostini, Pietro de Piero, Italino Rossi, Marco Rossi, Giorgio Sacchetti
Prisoners and Partisans: Italian Anarchists in the struggle against Fascism
©1999 KSL & authors
Translated by Paul Sharkey
First published 1999 by the Kate Sharpley Library
www.katesharpleylibrary.net
What is Anarchism?
Anarchism is a political theory which opposes the State and capitalism. It says that
people with economic power (capitalists) and those with political power (politi¬
cians of all stripes left, right or centre) use that power for their own benefit, and
not (like they claim) for the benefit of society. Anarchism says that neither exploi¬
tation nor government is natural or neccessary, and that a society based on
freedom, mutual aid and equal share of the good things in life would work better
than this one.
Anarchism is also a political movement. Anarchists take part in day-to-day strug¬
gles (against poverty, oppression of any kind, war etc) and also promote the idea of
comprehensive social change. Based on bitter experience, they warn that new
‘revolutionary’ bosses are no improvement: ‘ends’ and ‘means’ (what you want
and how you get it) are closely connected.
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ANARCHISTS AGAINST MUSSOLINI
THE ROOTS OF ANARCHIST OPPOSITION TO FASCISM 1920-1932
Anarchist opposition to fascism, as indeed the opposition from other political group¬
ings seeking to defend the exploited and their interests, began well before Mussolini
took power and it took the form not only of actions but also of analyses of fascist
ideology. Fascism’s roots and aims are examined, for instance by a commentator
alive to all the changes in Italian society, namely, Luigi Fabbri, who in his 1921 work
The Preventive Counter-Revolution ! 1 ’ depicted fascism as
“...The most natural and legitimate product of the war... and the prosecution of
the world war in each country,” and thus “the guerrilla war between fascists and
socialists - or to be more precise, between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat - is
merely the natural culmination, the material consequence of the class hostilities
aggravated during the war” (3) . And, finally, fascism was seen by this anarchist
commentator as “...primarily the organisation and enactment of the violent, armed
defence of the ruling class against the proletariat which it has come to see as too
demanding, too cohesive and too intrusive.” (4)
Indeed the bourgeoisie’s backlash against the ‘red biennium’ and especially the
factory occupations was not long in coming and, availing of its Tong arm’ (in this
instance, fascism) it was extremely violent in its repression of the workers’ struggles.
“Invasion of trades councils, wrecking of party and co-operative premises, violence
against the House of the People” (5) were episodes which, beginning in the latter
months of 1920, persisted with ever increasing violence.
THE ‘ARDITI DEL POPULO’ (PEOPLE’S COMMANDOS)
The necessity of organised opposition to fascist actions was appreciated by many on
the left. Anarchists too, emphasised the need for some umbrella organisation, but one
removed from official organs, be it understood. Thus, they were among the sponsors
of the ‘Arditi del Populo’, a grassroots movement set up for the purpose of fighting
fascist violence with its own weapons. (6> The organisation led a stunted existence
primarily on account of lack of funds and, notwithstanding successes scored in resist¬
ing fascist arrogance, its validity was recognised neither by the Socialist Party nor by
the nascent Communist Party, whether out of opportunism or sectarianism. Yet the
‘Arditi del Populo’ was the only movement capable at that point of effectively
halting fascism’s progress because, being organised at grassroots level, it was thus
immune to politicking. It sprang from the real needs of the population who were tired
of fascist violence and mistrustful of the organs of the State who were all too often
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absent or, worse, conniving with such episodes. For them too the ‘ Arditi del Populo ’
were but a tiny shooting star in the firmament of the struggle for social emancipation
Another body, this time exclusively trade-union based, emerged in February 1922
to defend itself against the fascist terror: this was the Labour All iance. It had the
backing of the Italian Syndicalist Union (USI) which was “.. .in a way the anarchists’
vehicle on the terrain of class struggle” (7) , and Umanita Nova, the anarchist daily
paper run by Errico Malatesta, commented favourably upon its emergence. On 2
August 1922 the Alli ance called a nation-wide general strike in protest against the
fascist violence that July in the Cremona, Novara and Ravenna areas (8) . There were
countless skirmishes between the people and the fascists during the strike which held
firm and should have been kept up to the ‘bitter end.’ (9) But incomprehensibly, on 4
August the Committee of the Alli ance called for a return to work. “Thus was the
movement cut short when the thing to do was to expand it and escalate it - and the
fascists, duly abetted by a conniving government, were able to muster in the most
important sites and carry out the actions that everyone knew they would” (10)
commented a bitter Errico Malatesta. And that strike was also the last act of any
significance before the ‘march on Rome’.
THE ADVENT OF FASCISM
With its formal conquest of power, fascism stuck to its repressive policy vis a vis its
political opponents and so anarchists also suffered the personal restrictions, violence
and limitations upon political activity as every other opponent. La Spezia’s II Liber-
tario ceased publication in October 1923 and Umanita Nova shut down the follow¬
ing December (11) .
Many anarchists, especially those most prominent in the Italian Anarchist Union
(UAI) and trade-union movement, were obliged to flee the country in order to escape
persecution. Those who stayed faced imprisonment, beatings, internment and yet they
kept up the political struggle, having as their means of formal internal liaison the
reviews Fede and Pensiero e Volunta up until their publication was finally
suspended (1926), on account of repeated confiscations. In 1925 the UAI was still in
the breech of the fight against fascism and in July issued an appeal to anarchists who
had fled abroad, briefing them on the situation in Italy and seeking their financial and
moral support. <12)
Albeit with the problems caused by clandestinity or semi-clandestinity and the risk
of arrest and the danger of being discovered and interned, the anarchists carried on
the fight. Aside from the actions of individuals designed to take the life of Mussolini
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(about which more later), a re-reading of history as seen by the vanquished indicates
that the opposition to fascism had not ceased and was not left solely to anarchists
operating from exile and that, though they lost, they were not ready to surrender their
freedom of thought. It should be noted also that the initiatives of exiled anarchists
were effective in that other comrades who stayed in Italy received propaganda
material and managed to distribute it clandestinely, using anyone not yet on the files
of the political police, thereby helping to keep open contacts between militants.
The obvious limitations of this short account do not allow us to dwell upon all of
the episodes that characterised anarchist activity at this time. A list of sources dealing
with the subject appears in the notes below. (13) Let us cite, by way of example, only
the attempted uprising of 1930 in Sicily. The anarchists Palo Schicci, Salvatore
Renda and Filippo Gramignano who had left the island to escape fascist harassment
between 1924 and 1926 had stayed in touch with Sicilian antifascists and had come
to appreciate the growing discontent among the populace who were oppressed by the
regime and by the landowners. Upon learning that agitations were underway in
several areas in the region they issued a declaration to Sicilians and landed in
Palermo in the aim of promoting a general uprising. But they were quickly arrested
and given heavy sentences.
INTERNMENT AND IMPRISONMENT
The opposition to fascism is also borne out by the sentences handed down by the
Special Tribunal. Many anarchists were imprisoned or held in internment sites.
Lampedusa, Lipari, Favignana to begin with and then Ustica, Ponza, Ventetone and
Themiti were the sites where anarchists were held. This provided the opportunity to
re-constitute groups, to evaluate the political struggles of recent times, to work out a
minimum programme of campaign and valid political action. “Thanks to Bruno
Misefari and Alfonso Failla,” notes Gino Cerrito (15) , “on Ponza in 1931, among
around 80 comrades divided into groups the Italian Anarchist Federation (FAI) was
formed, along the tried and trusted post-world war lines of the Italian Anarchist
Union (UAI)”. Later on Ventetone, among the anarchist internees there, following
several meetings approval was given to a resolution, crucial to the revival of the
whole anarchist movement when fascism collapsed (which collapse was believed to
be imminent,) (16) wherein among other things an invitation was issued “...to all
comrades to join their trades or industrial union so as to have direct contact with the
labouring masses, leading them in the truly revolutionary struggle for the conquest of
proletarian demands, publicising the liberation order through establishment of
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Factory, Company and Industrial Councils in the sphere of production and of Town
and Provincial Councils that are to regulate and answer the needs of the community.”
( 17 )
ATTEMPTS ON THE DUCE’S LIFE
Anyone who opts to take the life of a tyrant is often driven, not just by a strong moral
conviction but also by a conviction that his action may prompt the masses into rebel¬
lion against the oppressor.
It is in this light that we have to view the individual actions taken several times
against Mussolini by the anarchists. The series opened with Gino Lucetti from
Avenza on 11 September 1926 and his attempt in the Porta Pia square in Rome.
Lucetti hurled a bomb at the car carrying Mussolini from the Villa Torlonia to the
Palazzo Chigi. The device however bounced off the Duce’s car and went off only
when the vehicle had long since passed. As he was arrested, Lucetti stated: “I did not
come with a bouquet of flowers for Mussolini. I also meant to make use of my
revolver if I failed to achieve my purpose with the bomb.” At the end of his trial he
was sentenced to 30 years in jail whilst another two anarchists, considered his accom¬
plices, Stefano Vatteroni and Leandro Sorio, received lesser sentences.
The bids by Michele Schirru and Angelo Sbardelotto, however, never got beyond
good intentions in that they were arrested before they could carry out their plans.
Schirru was picked up on 3 February 1931 and sentenced to death by a Special
Tribunal before being shot on 29 May. Sbardelotto, who had travelled from Belgium,
was captured on 4 June 1932, confessed his intentions, was sentenced to death and
shot on 17 June.
In our chronology of the attempts on Mussolini’s life we have deliberately left out
the incident that occurred in Bologna in October 1926 and credited to 15 year old
Anteo Zamboni, the son of anarchists; he was stabbed to death on the spot by the
fascists surrounding the fascist leader. The whole episode is obscure. “Many believe
that it was one of his own retinue that fired the revolver shot that grazed Mussolini’s
jacket and that young Zamboni was sacrificed to divert any possible suspicion from
the fascists”/ 18 * Others, however, do credit the attempt to the youth, for want of
“...sufficiently credible evidence of the thesis of ‘sham assassination attempt’ really
planned by extremist fascists who intended to force Mussolini’s hand”. (19)
To conclude this brief account let us adopt as our own a comment made by Gino
Cerrito (20) on the period in question: “it is utterly pointless to debate what the
assassination bids might have brought the country to. Their failure triggered no
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collective movement but the many arrests that followed, the trials and the sentences
handed down, based on various expedients, show that the attempts helped to keep
public opinion alert and to give heart to antifascists and to the labour movement
opposed to the regime. Without these events, without the many attempts at
clandestine reorganisation, without the distribution of leaflets and graffiti on walls...
we would probably not have had the strikes that marked certain years of the 20 years
of fascist rule, nor would we have had a Revolution that for the first time in our
country’s history directly involved not only minorities, workers, yes, and peasants as
well”.
NOTES:
Italino Rossi (Umanita Nova, 1 May 1987)
1. Luigi Fabbri La controrivoluzione preventiva, Collana Vallera, Pistoia, 1975.
2 Ibid, pl2. 3 Ibid, pl3. 4 Ibid, pl5.
5 Un trentennio di attivita anarchica Ed. Antistato, Cesena, 1953, p. 48. See also:
Adriana Dada L’anarchismo in Italia fra movimento e partito, Toti Editone, Milan,
1984: p.78.
6 On the ‘ Arditi del Populo’, see Renzo Del Carria Proletari senza riviluzione
Savelli, Rome, 1977 (3rd edition) vol. 111, P-215.
7 See Umanita Nova No. 149, 30 June 1922, in Errico Malatesta Pagine di lotta
quotidiane, Geneva, 1935, vol. 11, P-105.
8 See Un trentennio di... op. cit. p 73.
9 See Umanita Nova No. 181, 10 August 1922. 10 Ibid.
11 A. Dada, op. cit. p.89.
12 Un trentennio... p 84.
13 On anarchist resistance to fascism from 1920 to 1945, see: Gianfranco Careri,
Liberta contro fascismo in L’Intemazionale No. 10, October 1983. It is useful also
to refer to Un trentennio... pp62/109. In particular for local actions, see... for
Carrara and Lunigiana, Gino Cerrito Gli anarchici nella Resistenza Apuana, Mario
Pacini Fazzi Ed., Lucca 1984, p.25ff. On Florence, Luigi Di Lembo II Movimento
Anarchico a Firenze (1922-1930) in Cilta e Regione No.6, Florence, 1980, pp
163-200. For the position in Turin see Mauro De Agostini, Gli anarchica torinesi
nel 1930 in L’Intemazionale August 1981: by the same author, II Movimento
anarchico milanese nel ventennio fascista in L’Intemazionale April-May 1981.
Notes on Sicilian anarchist antifascism can be found in Pippo Gurrieri Liberta
contro fascismo in L’lnternazionale January 1984 and Pape Trippilli Gli anarchici
siciliani durante il fascismo in Sicilia Libertaria No. 14. August 1980. Finally on
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anarchist antifascism and resistance in Tuscany see the supplement to Umanita Nova
No. 14, 12 April 1981.
14 See Sicilia Libertarian year IV, No. 13, May 1980.
15 G. Cerrito, op. cit. p.32.
16 The complete text of the resolution is in FAI - Congressi e convegni, Genoa
1963, pp 16-17
17 lbid.pl7.
18 Giovanni Berneri Gli anarchici nella lotta contro il fascismo, in Volunta, year
XIV, No. 4 1961, p.206.
19 G. Cerrito, op. cit. p.23. 20 Ibid, pp.22/23.
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LIVORNO: ANARCHISTS VERSUS FASCISM
In Livorno (Leghorn) as elsewhere fascism betrayed its true, counter- revolutionary
nature from the moment it emerged by its assaults upon the Labour Movement and
its organisations. But in the city itself the goon squads and strike breakers fell upon
particularly hostile and dangerous ground. (1)
It was primarily the young anarchist groups... The League of Subversive Students
(inspired by anarchists, but also including in its ranks socialists and republicans), and
the Arditi del Populo (People’s Commandos) based in the ‘Venezia’ district near the
USI premises... that made life impossible for the fascists, who after a few beatings,
no longer dared venture into the working class districts. In 1921, anarchists ensured
that the 17th National Congress of the Socialist Party (at which the Communist Party
of Italy was to break away) could proceed, by beating off the fascist gangs aiming to
prevent it. (2)
In August 1922, right after the end of the strike called by the reformist Labour
Alliance, the fascists resolved to punish rebel Livorno and, thanks to reinforcements
brought in from Florence, they seized the town hall and murdered leftist militants. On
their way home they were attacked by a band of Arditi del Populo and during the
ensuing gun battle the anarchist Filippo Filippetti was killed. (3)
But notwithstanding the murder of another three anarchists, Gilberto Catarsi, Nardi
and Amedeo Baldesseroni and numerous woundings and attacks upon their premises,
including those of the anarchist newspaper II Seme , the libertarian organisation was
not broken up. Until the passing of the Special Legislation of November 1926 the
Livorno branches of the Italian Anarchist Union (UAI) and the Labour Chamber of
the USI (Italian Syndicalist Union) remained active.
Only when they were assured of the unconditional assistance of the machinery of
state were the fascists able to get the better of the anarchist opposition: as early as
September 1926, at the end of an all-embracing meeting designed to organise aid to
antifascist prisoners, nearly all of the membership of the UAI was arrested, and with
the introduction of new legislation what few remained at large were kept under close
surveillance and hauled off to jail from time to time for pre-emptive reasons.
But the regime did not have it all its own way: not even during its 20 year rule.
Leaflets attacking fascism or marking the anniversaries of the Commune or May Day
or in opposition to the war in Ethiopia continued to be printed clandestinely and were
circulated among the workers, while plentiful graffiti on the walls bore witness to the
fact that the regime’s consensus was far from unanimous.
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But antifascist opposition showed itself more spectacularly as in the turn-out for
the funeral of the socialist Capocchi and the communist Camici whose lives were
ended by fascism: or the sabotaging of the launching of the cruiser Trento at the
Naval Dockyards and the bomb attacks mounted by anarchists against the Militia
barracks and Fascist Party premises.
Many Livorno anarchists participated in the Spanish Civil War, as did Armano
Bientines, Lanciotto Corsi, Arrigo Catani, Enzo Fantozzi, Egidio Fossi and
Guglielmo Nannucci, who served with CNT-FAI combat units.
After the outbreak of the second world war, contacts were re-established between
the anarchists in the city and those in different areas like Florence, Genoa, Milan and
Bologna, and even before 25 July 1943, the anarchists were stockpiling their own
weaponry.
After 8 September, whilst the people’s fury erupted against fascist personnel and
the symbols of fascism, anarchists led by Virgilio Antonelli, along with two commu¬
nists and the republican Ramaciotti, set about the confiscation of machine-guns,
bombs, sub-machine guns and even a small calibre piece of artillery (part of the
coastal defences) removing it to a cache near L’Ardenza. Even the barracks of the
X-MAS in Ardenza was ‘cleaned out’.
On the morning of the next day, some army units mustered on the Aurelia, ready to
block it off. The populace gave a warm welcome to these troops who were ready to
take on the Germans, whilst some members of the Antifascist Concentration oversaw
the action of armed antifascists.
Some German trucks were stopped and some troops taken prisoner. In the after¬
noon, again in L’Ardenza, there was a gun-battle involving some civilians while,
along the sea-front, a German armed truck came under fire from the captured artil¬
lery piece and was set on fire, with the death of two of the crew.
The absence of organisation and the disintegration of the army units however were
defects that could not be made good by heroism alone and by 10 September the
Germans were militarily in control of the city.
Meanwhile the barracks had been swamped by the people who emptied their
arsenals: antifascists set about recovering fresh weapons. This led to the outbreak of
a real partisan war of resistance after 3 or 4 days. The first National Liberation
Committee (CLN), heir to the earlier ‘Inter-party Committees’ was nonpartisan and a
genuine expression of the antifascism of the people of Livorno. Its make-up reflected
the city’s 19th century traditions, and was very different from that of the central
CLN. It comprised communists, anarchists from the Libertarian Communist Federa¬
tion - FCL (like Virgilio Antonelli and Giovanni Biagini), republicans and
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social-christians. Towards the end, the Action Party also joined it: whereas the
Liberal Party and Christian Democrats, who were in any case politically
insignificant, only joined at the liberation. (4)
In view of the dire circumstances in which Livorno had come to find itself on
account of the continual indiscriminate air-raids (5) that had led to the almost total
evacuation of the population and the dismantling of most industries, the organisation
of strong urban corps of Partisan Action Squads (SAP), like the ones elsewhere was
not feasible in Livorno.
The decision of the German command to install a so-called ‘black zone’ in the heart
of Livorno, and the subsequent obligatory expulsion of all the residents, represented
the final obstacle to the organisation of resistance. Consequently, only in outlying
districts like Ardenza, Antignano, Colline, Salviano and Montenero where a fair
number of Livorno residents had taken refuge was it possible to set up a discreet
military apparatus with the establishment of SAP and some GAP squads.
Later many of those organised flooded into the Castellaccio ‘Area Command’ to be
passed on to the partisan organisations in the province and in the Maremma, and in
part they came to make up the complement of the No. 10 ‘Oberdan Chiesa’
detachment.
It was not unimaginable that the Castellaccio Command, maintained since Septem¬
ber 1943 by a few armed GAP personnel and which had been removed there because
it had been ‘blown’ by the Republican (Fascist) Police would cease to operate as a
marshalling-point to become, first, a detachment operating independently and shortly
thereafter, in view of its growing strength, assume the status of a Brigade (3rd
Garibaldi Brigade, the ‘Oberdan Chiesa’). But despite the fact that the area was
geographically unsuited to guerrilla warfare (being unwooded terrain criss-crossed by
passable roads) and the extremely grave problems with provisions, the detachment,
which boasted a rather original tactical/organisational structure, grew to assume the
proportions of a brigade of 130 men, 50% of them armed with automatic weapons
and shotguns while the rest had rifles. The Brigade covered the ‘Quarata’ area
between Nibbaia and Chioma and held sway over the intervening plateau right up
until 19 July 1944. Also operational in the Livorno area and its surrounds were the
3rd ‘Val de Cecina’ Garibaldi Brigade and the 3rd ‘Val de Cornia’ Garibaldi
Brigade. All three units could together field upwards of 700 partisans and had 700
SAP personnel used for various missions and dangerous operations in the towns.
Altogether these three units gave rise to the Livorno Garibaldi Division, called after
Lanciotto Gherardi (an anarchist partisan killed in action) attached to the CLN of
Livorno and province.
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From the outset, the ‘Oberdan Chiesa’ stood out on account of its structure and its
unmistakable revolutionary political complexion. Aside from the anarchist presence
in its ranks, it was made up primarily of communists, the vast majority of whom in
Livorno were still followers of Bordiga. It was no accident that two officers from the
army that was stood down after 8 September 1943 quit the unit shortly after they had
been admitted to it on account of their inability to accommodate themselves to the
revolutionary ethos which prevailed there, quite unlike the climate in the barracks
that they were used to. But quite apart from their contribution to the antifascist armed
struggle the anarchists were at this time protagonists of other, no less heroic actions.
Indeed on the instigation of some anarchists, including Bientinesi and Antonelli, a
burned Australian pilot who had parachuted out of his crippled aircraft was taken to
safety.
Defying, under cover of darkness, the German patrols that were searching for him,
and in collaboration with some communists from the area, the anarchists managed to
keep him safe from the Germans and then to hand him over to a partisan band in the
Gabbro area, with whom he stayed even after his recovery, until the Americans
showed up.
But perhaps the most spectacular feat was the freeing of 32 hostages, which the
anarchists accomplished unaided. These were a group of Livorno people, (who
included the anarchists Arrigo Catani and Mario Batini) who had been rounded up by
the Germans and taken to Bologna to work on military installations. Their release
was secured by Virgilio Antonelli and Giovanni Biagini and Romolo and Egisto
Antonelli and Biagini’s sister and female cousin were also involved.
The first to be freed was Arrigo Catani who had been taken to the German Area
Command. Virgilio Antonelli walked in, while the other comrades waited outside for
him, and informed the Germans that the Command was surrounded: and that they
had five minutes to release the prisoner. This bluff worked and, little by little all the
other hostages were helped to get away (6 ’ thanks to the help supplied by some
Bologna-based anarchists and communists. Also the latter helped in the escape of
deportees from Bologna railway station while en route to Germany.
In the course of similar operations in Lucca and thereabouts, the anarchists Nello
Malacarne from Livorno (freed at the end of the war) and Libero Mariotti from
Pietrasanto (freed in Piacenza, just as he was about to be shot, thanks to a prisoner-
of-war swap forced upon the Germans by the anarchist partisan commander Emilio
Canzi) were captured.
When the ‘ Alli es’ arrived, Livorno was in ruins: the anarchists promptly set to
work and began to lay the first social services - theirs was the first transport service
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- and helped revive the port, the glassworks and the dockyards under the supervision
of Management Committees.
But Livorno’s anarchists also set about the elimination of fascist criminals and
collaborationists and when the American order to surrender all weapons came, they
refused at all times to comply, just as in the ensuing years they refused to abandon
the revolutionary initiative and organised their own Federation, taking an active part
in the life of the Italian Anarchist Federation (FAI) to date.
Livorno Editorial Centre. Historical research by Marco Rossi.
Umanita Nova, 22 September 1983.
NOTES:
1. The Interior Ministry’s ‘Order for the Supervision of Public Order’ (8 August
1922) transferred civil powers to the military Authorities in the provinces of Milan,
Genoa, Ancona, Livorno and Parma.
2. This episode, which socialist and communist ‘historians’ persist on ignoring, was
confirmed by Livorno anarchist Virgilio Antonelli, recently deceased. On that
occasion he met with Amadeo Bordiga whom he was to happen upon again years
later while interned.
3. Not all Livorno anarchists belonged to th eArditi del Populo : according to a report
from the Prefect in July 1921, the membership, divided into squads, numbered 800
and about 90 were anarchists who made up the 3rd Squadron, led by Augusto
Consani.
4. This sort of opportunism and the role that these political forces assumed as refuges
for those who had nothing in common with the Resistance, created among anarchists
and communists a harsh backlash that culminated on 27 November 1945 following
the collapse of the Resistance-based Parri government - a collapse contrived by the
Christian Democrats and Liberals. At the end of a general strike called by the local
trades council, the Liberal Party’s headquarters in the Piazza Cavour were attacked
and wrecked.
5. During the war, Livorno was among Italy’s most bombed cities. Apart from those
raids made between 2 June and 2 October 1944 (concerning which no records are
available) the French, British, Americans or Germans between them carried out 76
heavy raids, 24 light raids and 24 incendiary raids.
6. Originally there had been 35 hostages, but 3 who attempted to escape unaided
were caught and shot.
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GINO LUCETTI AND THE ATTEMPT
ON MUSSOLINI’S LIFE
Anybody who maintains that wherever in Italy there are anarchists there are republi¬
cans as well (on account of their common individualist, libertarian roots) has a telling
example in Avenza. Although very different from Menconi, his countryman, contem¬
porary and friend, the anarchist Gino Lucetti, with his very individualistic outlook is
the other outstanding figure of local antifascism, and not just local.
Many of those who knew him remember him continually in thought, with a book
under his arm, strolling along the riverbank. Of working-class background, he was
virtually self-taught and on the basis of this self-procured education he took part in
the political struggles of the 1920’s, confronting the fascists on many occasions.
In one skirmish, rougher than the usual, in the popular ‘Napoleon Cafe’ he was
wounded in the neck by a shot from a pistol following an exchange of shots with a
fascist (one Perfetti) who was shot in the ear. He went to ground near Montignoso,
unable to find a doctor prepared to remove the bullet. After a few days he was
smuggled aboard ship for France where he was finally given treatment.
There he schemed the attempt on Mussolini’s life that was to make him famous:
albeit hard up (an unsuspecting countryman of his, Lina Squassoni, who lived in
Aubagne near Marseilles, lent him the money for the trip) he returned to Italy and
Rome there to make his attempt on the Duce’s life on 11 September 1926.
He loitered near the Porta Pia waiting for the Duce to pass by: when the famous
Lancia carrying Benito Mussolini drew near, Lucetti hurled a bomb of the SIDE type
which smashed against the windscreen. But it failed to explode, bounced onto the
running board and only exploded when it was some metres away on the pavement.
In the ensuing confusion, Lucetti sheltered in the doorway at No. 13, Via Nomen-
tana, but the Duce’s police bodyguards soon caught up with him, kicking and punch¬
ing him: they found him in possession of a second bomb of the same make, a
handgun with six dumdum bullets poisoned with muriatic acid, and a dagger.
At police headquarters, under ferocious questioning, he let it be known that his
name was Ermete Giovanni, from Castelnuovo Garfagnana. On account of this
phony story, he led the regime a merry dance, as a result of which their enquiries
focused solely upon uncovering the leaders of the conspiracy of which he was alleg¬
edly part, in Garfagnana and nowhere else! Road blocks were thrown up and dozens
of people arrested: when Lucetti at last gave his true particulars the whole investiga¬
tion was shown up as ridiculous.
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At the end of his trial in 1927, he was sentenced to 30 years’ imprisonment. Two
others, held to have been his accomplices, Leandro Sorio and his countryman Stefano
Vatteroni were sentenced to 20 years and 19 years 9 months respectively.
Lucetti was lodged in the Santo Stefano prison where he spent nearly 17 years
before being moved to Ischia where he died on 15 September 1943, according to
some sources in a US air raid. Others claim (and among them was Mauro Cacurna
who went to recover the body and picked up information on the spot) that the shells
that killed him had been fired by the Germans who were still in occupation of
Procida, nearby.
Let it be noted for the record that some years ago L’Unita carried a piece in which
it was claimed on the basis of testimony by one of Lucetti’s fellow inmates that Gino
Lucetti had become a communist in his later years. But Carrara anarchists adamantly
deny this and are supported by the testimony of Lucetti's brother and his fiancee who
visited him right up to the end.
So much for the overall story, drawn from a variety of writings and evidence. But
on the basis of statements made to this writer by Ugo Mazzuchelli of Carrara, on the
basis of statements made to him in turn by Stefano Vatteroni interesting details can
be added.
Let us say first of all that the assassination plan was hatched in the climate of
antifascist Italian exile circles in the south of France... not just anarchists but also
members of the ‘Giustizia e Liberia groups of the Action Party and others, of differ¬
ing persuasions but all convinced of the need to eliminate the fascist leader
physically.
This helps give the plan hatched by Lucetti connotations different from other
anarchist actions, such as the attempt by Gaetano Bresci on the life of King Umberto;
in this instance the urge to kill Mussolini was the expression of a convergence of
opinion among other popularly representative political groupings regarding what was
commonly perceived as a necessity at that point in time: thus the method also differs
in some respects from the individualist spirit in which other anarchist assassinations
had been carried out before that.
In fact, though in exile, Lucetti never lost contact with his comrades in Carrara and
twice returned for clandestine meetings with them. Another meeting, at which the
assassination was decided upon, was held in Livorno, obviously in maximum
secrecy, aboard a ship at sea. Mazzuchelli escorted Lucetti as far as Genoa before
Lucetti went back to France to tidy up the loose ends with the comrades in exile.
There he organised as best he could and upon arrival in Rome called upon the
back-up of comrade Stefano Vatteroni who was working in the capital as a tinsmith.
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In point of fact Vatteroni’s role in the organising of the attack was crucial; indeed
Vatteroni, capitalising upon his friendship with the secretary of Mussolini’s library, a
former colleague of his, supplied all the essential details right down to the route that
the Duce’s car would be following on 11 September. Errico Malatesta, briefed about
the plan, gave it his endorsement.
Vatteroni made considerable sacrifices, albeit telling nobody on account of his
typical modesty, and he went so far as to sell a plot of land belonging to his mother in
Avenza to finance what was being organised.
He also saw to the question of logistical support and came to an arrangement with
the Reggio anarchist Leandro Sorio, a waiter at an inn where the owner was also in
cahoots with the group, so much so that he even offered to put up the money to get
them out of the country following the attack. Vatteroni, however, declined the offer,
because the organisers had agreed among themselves that everyone was to let him self
be arrested so as to stand trial., extreme proof of the anarchists’ solidarity and deter¬
mination. Gino Bibbi, another Arenza antifascist whose house the fascists wrecked
and whose motorcycle they set on fire was supposedly to have been part of the team
also.
Following the sentencing at the end of the trial, Vatteroni served the first three
years of his time in complete isolation and the only company allowed him was that of
a sparrow which visited his cell.
Out of this testimony emerges the portrait of a fighter for freedom whom official
historians have slighted and whom Carrara anarchists sought to honour alongside the
great anarchists from the area... Lucetti, Meschi, and the Milanese Giuseppe Pinelli
in whom the comrades saw one who carried on the fight for freedom and truth, as is
clear from the verses by Edgar Lee Masters placed on his monument.
Pietro de Piero (Umanita Nova 26.10.1986)
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TURIN 1930: THE ANARCHISTS, THE UNEMPLOYED & THE
STATE
In 1930 the Great Depression was having a tragic impact on Italy. In the city of
Turin alone the number of unemployed quickly soared from 13,000 in lanuary, to
20,000 by November and 25,000 by December.' 1J
On 26 luly II Risveglio Anarchico of Geneva carried a letter from Turin signed
‘Germinal’ (Cesare Sobrito).
“The mass sackings continue at FIAT and other establishments. Itala has shut
down and Ansaldo shut down last Saturday. Hours have been cut in all the offices,
wages are forever shrinking whereas the cost of living is still rising. As of 1 July
rents have gone up also. The more upright (landlords) have made do with an increase
to six times the pre-war figures.” (2)
At FIAT, sackings and the introduction of piece-rates with the Bedaux System
(with its heavy depressive effects on wages) sparked sporadic, spontaneous protests
which sometimes resulted in workshop closures, go-slows or even assaults on
foremen. (3) There were protests elsewhere in the country also. These episodes were
fated to remain isolated but they created great expectations among antifascists. It
looked as if the flames of revolt were sweeping Italy, ready to empt at any moment.
In Paris, a special issue of Lotta Anarchica for smuggling into Italy was prepared
for the presses. It was of small format, on tissue paper/ 4 ’ In Turin too there were
signs of an organisational revival and the police were on its trail with a vast array of
spies and informers.
On 30 April 1930, Inspector Membrini was able 10 report that he had managed to
plant a nark among the anarchists' 5 ’ and on 4 August a report from the Political
Police Division spelled out the findings of their enquiries. According to the fascist
police there were three groups in Turin, named ‘Barriera di Nizza’, ‘Barriera di
Milano’ and ‘Campidoglio’\ their activities, though, seemed slight; confined for the
most part to keeping up contacts between members through minor propaganda activi¬
ties. Whereas no information was forthcoming about the ‘Campidoglio ’ group which
apparently escaped the infiltration drive, the report spoke at length about the make-up
of the other two groups.
THE ‘BARRIERA DI NIZZA’ GROUP
Belonging to this group were... Cesare Sobrito... “an individual much talked of in
the circles in which he moves, since he has been active in anarchist circles for
years... he is in touch with the well-known anarchist Luigi Bertoni in Geneva and
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 17
periodically sends correspondence under the pen-name of ‘Germinal’ to the libertar¬
ian papers II Risveglio in Geneva and New York’s L’Adunata del Refrattari.”
Emilio Bernasconi, an individual... “truly dangerous and capable of reckless
acts... has already been sentenced to 10 years and 8 months imprisonment plus 2
years surveillance... (on 10 May 1921) for the crimes of robbery, attempted murder
and illegal possession of weapons... a fervent anarchist... rabid opponent of the
regime.”
Michele Guasco... “of pronounced anarchist sympathies, a shrewd, untrustworthy
person. As a street-hawker, he tours the province engaging in petty propaganda and
takes care to keep up liaison with trusted comrades, to collect news damaging to the
regime and, as the need arises, to assist with illegal departures from the country.”
Eugenio Martinelli... “described by anarchists themselves as a trustworthy and
dependable comrade...”
Michele Candela... “who allegedly sees to the distribution of subsidies to the
families of political prisoners.” And Vittorio Levis.
THE ‘BARRIERA Dl MILANO’ GROUP
The ‘Barriera di Milano’ group was made up of Tuscan immigrants... “who have
quit their native soil so as to escape possible police measures, in that they are known
as subversives.”
Among the group were... Settimo Guerrieri, labelled as then ‘boss’ and the active
organiser of unlawful departures from the country. There were also Dario Franci,
Arduilio D’Angina, Dante Armanetti, the Giacomelli brothers, Mario Carpini and the
brothers Muzio and Vindice Tosi. In order to keep in touch, the report went on...
“they used to use as liaison a female newsagent with a stand in the Corso Dante on
the corner with the Corso D’Azeglio... whenever anarchists pass by her kiosk, this
woman, as agreed, alerts them to the whereabouts of their friends... One place where
the aforementioned anarchists frequently gather is a sweet factory at No.6 Vicolo S.
Maria, run by... Mario Carpini.”
There were contacts between the two groups named above and a group set up in
Lyons by exile Tuscan anarchists like Giovanni Saroglia, Alvaro Pietrucci, Luigi
Ravenna, Gemisto Vallesi, Mario Garello, Tito Salvatori, Marcello Basso, Marino
Risolo, Socrate Franchi and Giovanni Maneozzi. Such contacts were of necessity
hit-and-miss, in view of communications problems.
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DISCONTENT GROWS
In the ensuing months, as the sackings spread, so the anarchist movement became
more active: in September 1930 there arrived from Paris an envoy sent, according to
Inspector Membrini, by the “central committee” (sic!), following which a committee
was formed comprising Guerrieri, Armanetti, Guasco, Muzio Tosi and others; it
aimed “to capitalise upon the economic disarray created by unemployment among the
workers to exploit any possible demonstration and indeed, if the chance presented
itself, to organise one so as to ensure outbreaks of violence and to create
disturbances... the aforementioned committee reckoned that in Turin it could rely
upon the possible connivance of around 120 supporters.” Its meetings were held in
No. 13 in the Via Montenero, at the premises of the ‘foundry workers’ mutual
association’, of which Arduilio D’Angina was vice-chairman.
THE BIG NOVEMBER DEMONSTRATIONS
The situation seemed to have come to a head on 24 November: for four successive
days there were protest demonstrations by the unemployed. Here is the account given
by ‘Germinal’ in the report published in the 13 December issue of II Risveglio
Anarchico:
“The grave unemployment crisis has begun to bear fruit. The recent shut-down of
certain plants, including Ansaldo and Spiga, as well as numerous other dismissals
have only swelled the ranks of the jobless even further, triggering numerous incidents.
“A substantial number of unemployed, tired of pointlessly queuing for whole days
outside the employment offices in the hall of the Camera del Lavoro, flooded into the
Piazza Castello where they mounted a demonstration outside Police Headquarters.
“Carabinieri and police rushed to the scene and dispersed the demonstrators who
spilled down side-streets shouting: bread and work!
“Another attempt to march directly on the city centre was broken up in the Via
Pietro Micca by numerous police with revolvers at the ready. Meanwhile many
carabinieri dispatched with lorries seized the strategic positions in the centre of the
city, forcing citizens to keep on the move.
“Some demonstrators tried to free several arrested persons who had been taken to
the Via Giannone police station.
“Two or three fascists who happened to be in the area were manhandled and
roughly thrashed until the demonstrators scattered upon the arrival of reinforcements.
We have learnt that at several points on the outskirts, and especially in the Milano
and San Paolo districts, three trucks from the Cooperative Alliance that were
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transporting foodstuffs to various districts, were attacked by the unemployed who
had been joined by women, and they looted what they could.
“In the Nizza district some sacked Spiga workers, upon seeing the plant manager
arrive, set upon him and smashed all the windows of his car.
“This morning (27 November) a procession of nearly 2000 demonstrators formed
up in the environs of the old Camera del Lavomo, filing along the Corso Galileo
Ferraris towards the city centre.
“Dispersed by police upon reaching the Corso Vittorio Emanuele, the demonstra¬
tors nonetheless reached the Via Roma where the procession reformed to cries of
‘bread and work!’
“When it arrived in the Piazza S. Carlo, where police headquarters is located,
numerous police charged with unparalleled viciousness using batons and sabres,
forcing the demonstrators to disperse. Many arrests were made. The impression made
in the city was tremendous. Seriously worried, the authorities have taken extreme
security measures. Day and night, patrols of carabinieri and police criss-cross the
city...”
THE REACTION
The eruption of the wrath of Turin’s jobless was short-lived, however, and instead of
ushering in the anticipated revolution, it remained an isolated episode. The agitation
was confined to the unemployed only and failed to penetrate any of the factories. The
authorities stepped in with the usual carrot and stick approach: they handed out food
and subsidies to placate and divide the jobless while attempting to force immigrants
to go back home and carrying out swoops in ‘subversive’ circles in order to neutralise
all possible agitations.
The hammer also fell on the anarchist movement, with arrests being made and
persons banished; this broke up the movement.
It was not the end for Turin anarchism, however: in the middle of 1938 police
uncovered an underground group, led by the brothers Ilio and Giuseppe Baroni and
involving Giuseppe Russo, Mario Neggia, Eugenio Botto, Antonio Garino, Spartaco
Bastoni, Carlo Caccolato, Giuseppe Bollin, Giovanni Gracela and others. The group
was organising illegal departures from the country (including some for militants
bound for Spain to take part in the fight), distributing aid to political prisoners and
engaging in propaganda. (6) Later, during the resistance, the anarchists took an active
part in the partisan war and among the most active militants we find Ilio Baroni,
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Dante Armanetti, Antonio Garino and Italo Garinei... Baroni was kil led on 26 April
1945 during the fighting to liberate the city. (7)
Mauro De Agostini.
NOTES:
(1) See G. Sapelli, Fascismo, grande industria e sindacato: il caso di Torino 1929
- 1935, Milan, Petrinelli, 1977, pp223-224.
(2) Other correspondence from Turin and signed ‘Germinal’ appeared in the same
paper in issues No.741 (1928), 767 (1929), 768 (1929), 791 (8 March 1930), 795 (1
May 1930), 801 (quoted), 803 (23 August 1930), and 811 (13 December 1930).
(3) See D. Bigazzi Gli opera della catena di montaggio: la FIAT, in La classe operai
durante il fascismo, Annali Felteinelli, 1979-80, pp.934-935.
(4) L. Bettini, Bibliografica del anarchismo Vol 1., tome 2 Periodici e numeri unici
anarchici in lingua italiana pubblicati all estero (1872-1971), Florence, CP, 1976,
pp. 130-131.
(5) The police reports quoted are in the Central State Archives (Rome). Letters from
the Interior Ministry, General Directorate of Public Security, General and Confiden¬
tial Affairs Division, section one, year 1930-1931, Case 24, Turin folio.
(6) Above mentioned archival sources, year 1938, case 23, Turin folio.
(7) Un trentenno di atttivita anarchica (1914-1945), Casena, Antistato, 1953.
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 21
ANARCHIST ACTIVITY IN ITALY
IN THE 1939-1945 PERIOD
UNDER THE FASCIST STATE
Umberto Marzocchi, Camillo Berneri, Enzo Fantozzi, Virgilio Gozzoli, Rivoluzio
Giglioli, Leonida Mastrodicasa, Umberto Tommasini, Mario Mantovani... just a few
of the better known militants who attended a symposium of Italian anarchist emigres
from France, Belgium and Switzerland held in Paris in October 1935. The resolu¬
tions passed and the reports read at the gathering are undoubtedly of the utmost inter¬
est to any wishing to learn of the choices made by the Italian anarchist movement in
the ensuing decade and indeed in the postwar years. The agenda (unanimously
endorsed) discarded the possibility, considered by other antifascist groupings, of
bringing down the dictatorship by playing upon the regime’s internal contradictions
and disagreements. Moreover the decision was made to establish an ‘Anarchist
Committee for Revolutionary Action’ with the task of co-ordinating contacts in Italy
and among exiles, not least through a clandestine ‘press agency’. The reports submit¬
ted to the 1935 symposium also looked into the problems inherent in the insurrec¬
tional stage, with an eye to a possible ‘free compact’ with Syndicalists, Giustizia e
Libertad and Republicans; and at the tasks of reconstruction in the period following
the insurrection. All with the declared intention of “destroying the machinery of the
fascist state and ensuring that no government of demo-social-liberal restoration or
Bolshevik gains a foothold tomorrow, behind the back of some pseudo- revolutionary
provisional government.” The path to follow was still the pursuit of a free federation
of anarchist communities.
After “Anarchy’s short summer” in Spain, in which Italian militants featured
prominently, came the trauma of world war. The period of the first few months of
war was more than enough to expose the hollowness of Mussolini’s bragging and of
the so-called blitzkrieg. In Africa and in Greece, Italian troops had to be buttressed
by the militarily more efficient Germans. War propaganda based on falsehoods and
designed to disguise the toll being paid in lives by the ordinary people, as well as
complete military failure, no longer cut much ice with Italian public opinion. Indeed it
may be said that by late 1940/ early 1941, the political and social situation in Italy
was becoming less controlled and less controllable by the fascist regime, much to its
annoyance.
Thus it was against the background of such distress that the anarchist movement
set about re-establishing links by means of clandestine reunions. One of the most
important of these was held as early as June 1942 at Sestri Fonente (Genoa) under
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the aegis of Emilio Grassini. It proved the occasion to restate some of the issues
tackled earlier at the Paris convention some seven years previously, but which were
now more pressing matters: above all there was the question of alliances with other
antifascist parties. The document that resulted from the Sestri Fonente meeting antici¬
pated that there would be two stages to the revolutionary struggle: the first against
fascism, the ‘number one target’, to be routed “piecemeal, with weapons in hand,
alongside elements whose goals are at odds with ours or are undefined”: the second
stage, once fascism had been toppled would be against those antifascist currents
“eager to rescue capital and take the reins of the State into their own hands”.
Already, with Italy’s entry into the war, the numbers of political internees on the
islands of Fonza, Tremiti but above all Ventotene had swollen immeasurably: these
islands were quarantine areas for anarchists, catering partly for those who had come
through French concentration camps: Ventotene was thus swamped by nearly 800
internees and the anarchists were the second largest political persuasion among these.
Despite the harsh living conditions imposed on the prisoners, not least on account of
the irregular issue of water and food brought over from the mainland, they did at
least enjoy a bare ‘freedom’ to mix. At many of then meetings there was a discernible
air of anticipation, due to the widespread view that the war had exacerbated the
regime’s difficulties. Of fundamental importance was the document drawn up by the
assembled antifascist internees on Ventotene... “after several meetings in which
comrades from every region in Italy, organisationists and anti-organisationists,
participated.” In that document, note having been made of the repressive circum¬
stances facing the movement as well as of experiences gained and of the damage done
by internecine squabbling among the comrades, militants were urged to get involved
in the unions so as to spread the word about the libertarian council-based order and
steer the labouring masses towards the revolutionary struggle.
Fascism collapsed on 25th July 1943, and the Badoglio government was set up. In
point of fact the proclaimed abolition of internment on Ventotene was only partly
implemented. Those released came primarily from antifascists affiliated to the more
moderate political sectors, followed by the communists and the socialists once their
respective representatives, Roveda and Buozzi had been co-opted by Marshal
Badoglio. As far as the anarchists were concerned (180 interned anarchists remained)
they were deported to the concentration camp at Rennici d’Angliari (Arrezzo) where
many Slavs were already confined. There were many attempts to escape during the
transfer journey by ship and train, but most failed. Harsh living conditions in camp
and Italy’s military surrender on 8th September, which opened the prospect of the
imminent arrival of the Germans, prompted the prisoners to attempt a violent revolt
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aimed at securing their freedom. Among those most active in the revolt was Alfonso
Failla, who was wounded when bayoneted by a carabinieri. Most of the internees
thus managed to break free, making their way back to their areas of origin or joining
up in surrounding areas with their own comrades already committed to establishing
partisan groups. “That group of comrades,” - Failla himself tells us... “split up, each
one heading off in a different direction, taking the path whereby, in life or in death
they left their mark upon the story of the stmggle for liberation.”
IN THE PARTISAN STRUGGLE
Twenty years of fascist dictatorship which, perhaps deliberately, labelled any sort of
opposition as ‘communist’, exile, imprisonment and not least the quite special treat¬
ment that the post-fascist Badoglio government reserved for them certainly helped
make any immediate rebuilding of the organisational ranks of the anarchist movement
all the more difficult. It was in this especial context, marked by confusion and disori¬
entation, that there took place a far from negligible haemorrhaging of some libertari¬
ans in the direction of the Action Party, the Socialist Party and sometimes the
Communist Party. At the same time anarchist participation in the partisan struggle
was conspicuous, especially in terms of blood shed, but it also exercised little influ¬
ence. This because of the complete hegemony of the democratic spectrum ranging
across an arc of political groupings from liberals through to communists. Following
8 September 1943 anarchists threw themselves into the armed struggle, establishing
where possible (Carrera, Pistoia, Genoa and Milan) autonomous formations, or, as
was the case in most instances, joining other formations (the socialist ‘Matteotti’
brigades, the communist ‘Garibaldi’ brigades, the ‘Giustizia e Liberia’ units of the
Action Party). The resistance developed in those areas of central and northern Italy
which had remained in the hands of the Germans and of the fascist Salo Republic.
In Rome, anarchists were to be found in several resistance formations, especially
the one commanded by the republican Vincenzo Baldazzi who was well known to
comrades as an old friend of Malatesta. In many cases they gave their lives in the
Roman resistance. Among such were Aldo Eluisi, who perished in the Andentine
Caves; Rizieri Fantini, shot in Fonte Bravetta; Alberto Di Giacomo alias ‘Moro,’ and
Giovanni Callintella, both of whom were deported to Germany, never to return; Dore,
a Sardinian by birth, perished in a mission behind the lines.
In the Manches anarchists served in several partisan formations in Ancona, Fermo,
Sassoferato and Macera (where Alfonso Pettinari, ex-internee and political commis¬
sar of a ‘Garibaldi’ brigade, met his death).
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Piombino, a steel town with a great libertarian tradition and a tradition above all of
revolutionary syndicalism, was behind a popular uprising against the Nazi-fascists on
10 September 1943: among several of our comrades who took part in the uprising,
Adriano Vanni, who operated as a partisan in the Maremma and who was called
upon to join the local CLN (National Liberation Committee, a body made up of a
spectrum of anti-fascist parties) stands out.
In Livorno, anarchists were among the first to seize the arms stored in the barracks
and in the Antignano Naval Academy - arms used later against the Germans and the
fascists. Organised inside the GAP (Patriotic Action Groups), they took part in
guerrilla operations in the area surrounding Pisa and Livorno and were represented in
the city’s CLN. Virgilio Antonelli distinguished himself in the task of liberating
hostages and prisoners.
In Apua, the libertarian contribution to the resistance was consistent as well as
cmcial. The anarchist partisan formations active in the Carrara area went by the
names ‘G. Lucetti’ (60-80 persons), ‘Lucetti bis’ (58 strong), ‘M. Schirru’ (454
strong), ‘Garibaldi Lunense’ and ‘Elio’ (30 strong). After 8 September, anarchists
(including Romualdo Del Papa, Galeotti and Pelliccia) led the attack on the Dogali
barracks, seizing the weaponry and urging the Alpine hoops to desert and join the
partisan campaign. In the nearby Lorano Caves, Ugo Mazzuchelli used these
weapons to set up the ‘G. Lucetti’ formation of which he became commander: in the
context of the Appian Brigade, its task was to see to its own funding and to help the
populace in obtaining provisions by means of properly accounted for expropriations.
Having gone through the bitter experience of Spain, the most ‘experienced’ comrades
were rightly mistrustful of communists units which in any event featured in episodes
bordering on impropriety. But it should be emphasised that the presence of libertari¬
ans and anarchists was discernible in virtually every formation, wherever they did not
have a unit specifically their own, under one set of initials or another. Among the
incidents of ‘discourtesy’ we might mention the one that had Mazzuchelli and his
men coming within an ace of death under machine-gun fire after they had been ready
to lead the way across the Casette bridge, as the communist partisans had been
curiously insistent that they should. In November 1944, following a sweep that cost it
the lives of six men, the ‘G. Lucetti’ unit moved into the province of Lucca, which
had by then been liberated. Mazzuchelli, along with his sons Carlo and Alvaro then
crossed the front lines again to set up the ‘Michele Schirru’ unit which helped liberate
Carrara before the All ies showed up. Among the many who distinguished themselves
and whose names make up a list that we do not have the room here to catalogue were
commandant Elio Wochiacevich, Venturini Perissino and Renato Machiarini. The
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blood-price paid by the people of Carrara was a high one: the anarchists managed to
stamp the seal of social straggle upon the armed struggle for freedom and this
endured for years after the liberation, with the co-operatives like the ‘Del Partigiano’
(consumer coop), the Lucetti (rebuilding co-op) and several undertakings of a social
nature (e.g. profit-sharing farming, teams of volunteers to work on the river channels,
etc.)
In Lucca and in Garfagnano, in whose mountains comrades from Pistoia and
Livorno also operated (like Peruzzi, Paoleschi, etc.) the anarchists were to be found
in the autonomous unit commanded by Pippo (Manrico Dicheschi). The province’s
CLN had been founded by comrade Federico Peccianti in whose home it held its
meetings. Pippo’s unit captured a good 8000 Nazi-fascist prisoners and sustained
300 losses. Libero Mariotti from Pietrasanta and Nello Malacarne from Livorno
spent a long time behind bars in the San Giorgio prison in Lucca. Among the best
known comrades down there were Luigi Velani, adjutant-major of the Pippo forma¬
tion, Ferrucio Arrighi and Vitorio Giovanetti, the last two in charge of overseeing
contacts between the antifascist forces in the city.
Pistoia was the theatre of operations of the ‘Silvano Fedi’ anarchist unit, made up
of 53 partisans who especially distinguished themselves in rendering assistance to
displaced persons. An initial resistance group had been formed thanks to the work of
Egisto and Minos Gori, Tito and Mario Eschini, Tiziano Palandri, Silvano Fedi and
others; it performed a variety of missions which included procurement of weapons
for other resistance units and the release of prisoners. The figure of its young
commander, Silvano Fedi, was legendary: he perished in an ambush, (the circum¬
stances are obscure) laid by Italians, as Enzo Capecchi who was there at the time has
testified. (Capecchi was then commander before being wounded). The Fedi unit,
under Artese Benesperi was the first one to enter Pistoia at the liberation.
In Florence, where Latini, Boccone and Puzzoli had earlier published a first,
clandestine issue of ‘Umanita Nova’ the first armed band was formed on Monte
Morello under the command of the anarchist Lanciotto Ballerini, who died in action.
Official historians have rightly portrayed Lanciotto Ballerini as a hero but have
‘forgotten’ to mention he was an anarchist. Among others who perished in the fight¬
ing were, Gino Manetti and Oreste Ristori, both shot: Ristori, from Empoli, had
earlier been active as an emigrant in Brazil and Argentina before fighting in Spain.
In the province of Arezzo the anarchists were especially active in the resistance in
the Valdarno, in view of the rich antifascist tradition and tradition of social struggle
in that area. The miner, Osvaldo Bianchi was part of the CLN in San Giovanni
Valdarno, as a representative of the Anarchist Groups: furthermore, Renato Sarri
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 26
from Figline and Italo Grofoni, the latter in charge of explosive supply for the
Tuscan CLN in Florence, distinguished themselves. Later a crucial contribution was
made by Guiseppe Livi from Angliari who was active in the ‘Outlying Bands’ that
operated in Vultiberina and who helped unmask a German spy who had infiltrated the
partisans of Florence... and just in time.
In Ravenna, many anarchists fought in the 28th Garibaldi Brigade. Among the best
known of them were Primo Bertolazi, (a member of the provincial CLN), Guglielmo
Bartolini, Pasquale Orselli (who commanded the first partisan patrol to enter liber¬
ated Ravenna), Giovanni Melandri, (in charge of arms and food supply, and the
victim, along with one of his daughters, of a German reprisal).
In Bologna and Modena province the following were especially active... Primo
Bassi from Imola, Vindice Rabitti, Ulisse Merli, Aladino Benetti and Atilio Diolaiti.
Diolaiti, shot in 1944 in the Carthusian monastery in Bologna had had an active part
in the foundation of the first partisan brigades in Imola, the ‘Bianconcini’ and in
Bologna, the ‘Fratelli Bandiera’ and 7th GAP units. In liberated Modena, the very
young Goliardo Fiaschi marched at the head of the 3rd ‘Costrignano’ Brigade of the
‘Modena’ Division, commanded by ‘Aramano’ In Reggio Emilia, Enrico Zambonini,
who had been active in the Appenines around Villa Minozzo, was shot after being
captured along with the group of Don Paquino Borghi: he died shouting ‘Long live
Anarchy!’ at the firing squad.
In Piacenza, prominent among others were the anarchists Savino Fornasari and
Emilio Canzi who are linked, apart from anything else, by their all too curious deaths
in road accidents. Emilio Canzi had earlier fought fascism back in 1920 in the ranks
of the Arditi del Populo and later in Spain: he had been captured by the Germans in
France and then deported to Germany and then interned in Italy. After 8 September
1943, he organised the first partisan bands. Captured by the fascist Black Brigades,
he was exchanged for other hostages. Resuming his post, he commanded 3 divisions
and 22 brigades (a total of more than 10,000 men), with the rank of colonel and used
the nom de guerre of Ezio Franchi.
The La Spezia-Sarzana units operated in close conjunction with those of neigh¬
bouring Carrara. Two partisan groups were commanded by the libertarians Contri
and Del Carpio. The La Spezia anarchists, Renato Olivieri (who had earlier been for
23 years a political prisoner), and Renato Perini died during gunfights with the Nazi-
fascists while covering a withdrawal by their own comrades.
In Genoa, anarchist combat groups operated under the names of the ‘Pisacane’
Brigade, the ‘Malatesta’ formation, the SAP-FCL, the Sestri Ponente SAP-FCL and
the Arenzano Anarchist Action Squads. The attempt to set up a ‘United Front’ with
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 27
all antifascist forces failed due to the communists’ attempts to impose their own
hegemony. Furthermore, anarchists had their own representation only in the outlying
CLN’s and this obliged them to engage in the armed struggle while relying on their
own devices. Activities were promoted by the Libertarian Communist Federation
(FCL) and by the underground USI which had just resurfaced in the factories. The
Genoese anarchists’ blood sacrifice in the resistance was really substantial with
several dozens killed in gun battles, shot or perished in concentration camps.
Omitting many others, we recall among the most active of them: Grassini, Adelmo
Sardini Pasticio and Antonio Pittaluga. Pittaluga died on the eve of liberation: before
surrendering and being killed, and finding himself alone, he threw a hand grenade at
the German patrol that captured him. Also, the anarchist partisan Isidoro Parodi died
in neighbouring Savona.
In industrial Turin, especially at the FIAT plants, the anarchist unit that went by
the name of the 33rd ‘Pietro Ferrero’ SAP Battalion operated. Among our fallen
comrades was Dario Cagno, who was sentenced to death by firing squad for his
involvement in the killing of a fascist; there was also Ilio Baroni, originally from
Piombino. Comrade Ruju, a partisan with the ‘De Vitis’ Division, turned down the
military medal of valour which the State later offered him to mark his capture of no
less than 500 German soldiers.
In the Asti area and in the Cuneo area, anarchists had a presence in the Garibaldi
Brigades: the best known of them was Giacomo Tartaglino who had previously been
involved in the Spartakist movement in Bavaria in 1919. In the Vencelli district,
among several anarchists who distinguished themselves with their courage and daring
was Guiseppe Ruzza who served with the ‘Valsesia’ unit commanded by Moscatelli.
In Milan the threads of the clandestine struggle were taken up initially by Pietro
Bruzzi who died after five days of torture, but without disclosing anything to the
Nazi-fascists. After his death, anarchists founded the ‘Malatesta’ and ‘Bruzzi’
brigades, amounting to 1300 partisans: these operated under the aegis of the
‘Matteotti’ formation and played a primary role in the liberation of Milan.
Commanded by Mario Mantovani during the 1945 uprising, the two brigades distin¬
guished themselves by their various raids on fascist barracks and also by their aid to
the general population. Among the very youngest comrades was Guiseppe Pinelli
who served with the GAP.
In Pavia province operated the 2nd ‘Errico Malatesta’ Brigade led by Antonio
Pietropaolo, who participated in the liberation of Milan. In Brescia, the anarchists
were to be found in the mixed GL (Giustizia e Liberia) - Garibaldi formation:
among the most active of them were Borolo Ballarini and Ettore Bonometti.
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 28
In Verona, the anarchist Giovanni Domaschi was founder of the National Libera¬
tion Committee (CLN). Arrested by the SS, he was tortured, had an ear cut off but
refused to talk and so was deported to Germany where he disappeared in the concen¬
tration camps.
Finally, in the Venezia Giulia-Friuli region many anarchists worked with the
communist formations like, say, the Garibaldi-Friuli Division. In Trieste, liaison was
maintained by Giovanni Bidolo who later perished in the German camps along with
another Trieste anarchist, Carlo Benussi. Also active was Turcinovich who, follow¬
ing a sweep, fled to Genoa where he fought with the local resistance. In Alta Carnia,
where Petris and Aso (who perished in the attack on the German barracks in
Sappada) had prominent positions, anarchists helped set up a self-governing Liber¬
ated Zone.
In all probability the number of anarchist fighting partisans who perished in the
whole of central and northern Italy is in excess of a hundred.
The amnesty granted to fascists and the social injustices of republican, democratic
Italy later let anarchists (and not just anarchists) know that the spirit of the National
Liberation Committee had been abandoned and the Resistance betrayed.
Giorgio Sacchetti. (Umanita Nova, 7th April 1985).
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 29
ANARCHISTS IN THE RENICCI D’ANGHIARI
CONCENTRATION CAMP
Of the more than 100 ex-internees shipped from Ventotene to the camp at Renicci di’
Anghiari, the vast majority belonged to the anarchist movement: militants who had
been on record as subversives as long ago as the years right after the Great War'.
Prior to the advent of fascism the Italian-speaking anarchist movement had had an
honoured place in the revolutionary strand of the labour movement in Italy. It had
had its own specific nationwide organisation, the UAI - the Italian Anarchist Union
founded in 1919 in Florence and comprising about 700 groups and federations that
embraced almost the entire movement. It influenced the railway union and above all
the USI - Italian Syndicalist Union, an association with half a million members in
1920, professing the principles of self-management and direct action, as opposed to
the reformist CGdL (General Labour Confederation). It published a good 66 titles,
periodicals and one-offs, in the period between 1919 and 1925, including a daily
paper, Umanita Nova, run by Errico Malatesta for over two years. After participat¬
ing in the Arditi del Populo movement (prototype partisans) many anarchists,
especially the better known ones, had taken the road into exile. So that instead of
revolutionary and trade union mass action, the movement was thrust again into the
climate of conspiracy.
Of the various Italian antifascist groupings abroad, only ‘Giustizia e Liberta ’ was
to see eye to eye with the need to effect exemplary actions against fascism and
against the person of the Duce himself. There was a long series of unsuccessful or
attempted anarchist assassination bids against Mussolini; Gino Lucetti in 1926,
Michele Schirru and Angelo Sbardelotto (sentenced to death in 1931 and 1932
respectively). To this day the circumstances of the attempt involving Anteo Zambon-
ini in Bologna in 1926, the 15 year old son of anarchist parents, remain obscure.
While traditionally relations with the republicans were good, the same could not be
said of those with the reformist socialists and communists, and towards the latter
especially there was a lot of suspicion. Despite the initial great enthusiasm of Italian
anarchists for the victorious soviet revolution, the unbridgeable difference with the
communists, a replay of the Marx-Bakunin dispute of the First International, very
quickly showed itself. The July 1920 meeting in Moscow between the anarchist
Armando Borghi, the young USI secretary-general, and Lenin, availed nothing. The
1922 overtures by Italian anarchists to Chicherin, Commissar for Foreign Affairs,
seeking the release of anarchists arrested in Russia, came to naught. And these events
made themselves felt in relations inside the labour and antifascist movement, so much
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 30
so that they flared up later in the tragic conclusion to the Spanish revolutionary
experience of 1936.
The Bulletin of Fugitives, relating to Italian antifascists who had emigrated
illegally, confirms that throughout the 1930’s the anarchists still held second place in
terms of numbers wanted by the fascist political police, coming second only to the
communists and ahead of the socialists and republicans. It could be said that almost
the same proportions were to be found among the followers of the various political
persuasions interned on the islands of Lipari, Lampedusa, Ustica, Ponza and above
all Ventotene. Altiero Spinelli of the Federalist Movement, himself an internee, has
reckoned the anarchist presence on the latter island at around 140, many of them
extradited from France after the Spanish Civil War.
The governor of the internment island was one Marcello Guida who was to make a
career for himself after the war until he became chief of police in Milan by 1969, the
time of the Piazza Fontana outrage. Despite the harsh living conditions to which
prisoners were subject, on account of irregular deliveries of water and food from the
mainland, they did enjoy a basic ‘freedom’ of association, the famous ‘messes’. At
many such meetings there was a notable air of expectancy, given the widespread
view that the war would aggravate the regime’s problems.
Meanwhile the communist leadership on Ventotene had drawn up a document, a
little before 20 July 1943, in which... “with an eye to a Popular Front for the organ¬
isational unity of the working class...” it denounced... “the maximalists’ and
anarchists’ role in splitting and hindering this process of unification,” and urged a
“battle without quarter against enemies of proletarian unity... Modigliani and Tosca
in the PS(I), the anti-soviets and anti-communists among the maximalists, and the
anti-communists among the anarchists.”
From the assembly of anarchist internees on Ventotene also emanated a resolution
that was polemical but also programmatical in tone:
“Given that the collaborationist stance of various proletarian political groupings
between the 1914-1918 war and the advent of fascism, did not cater for the interests
and wishes of the labouring masses and those of the Italian people as a whole,
“Bearing in mind, that differences between comrades in respect of the philosophical
and ideological grounds of anarchism or over mass organisational matters led to
divisions damaging to the... spread of anarchist ideas and thwarted the formulation
of a common programme of struggle and action:
“Accepting, that on the basis of its experiences over the past two decades, the
anarchist movement should welcome the assistance of all comrades in the creation of
a homogenous co-ordinating body;
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 31
“All comrades are hereby invited to enlist in their trades or professional unions so
as to have direct contact with the working masses, directing these in the truly revolu¬
tionary fight for the conquest of proletarian demands, propagating the libertarian
format through the establishment of Factory, Plant and Industrial Councils in the
sphere of production, and of Town or Provincial ones in the political sphere, which
bodies will have to regulate and meet the needs of the community.”
When fascism collapsed, Marshal Badoglio ordered the release from internment of
the supporters of moderate parties, followed by the socialists and finally by the
communists once Buozi and Roveda took then places in the government. Despite the
lobbying on their behalf by the socialists Pertini and Jacometti (who had been intern¬
ees themselves), anarchist and Slav detainees were not released but moved to the
concentration camp at Renicci d’Anghiari. Along with them were some communists
such as Jaksetich from Trieste, who was mistaken for a Slav. During the lengthy
transfer journey there were plenty of escape attempts. There were also those like the
Emilia anarchist Enrico Zambonini who simply refused upon reaching Arezzo to
travel on to Anghiari, remaining in the jail at Arezzo up until December 1943. One
month after that, Zambonini was taken to be shot in San Prospero Strinati along with
eight other antifascists, including the partisan and priest Don Paquino Borghi. In the
Renicci camp, already occupied by other Slav prisoners, there was a c lim ate of
violence and bullying confronted by the spirit of the resistance on the part of the
inmates. A hunger strike aimed at securing their release had been broken by the arrest
of the alleged ringleaders. Terror was imposed, as Jaksetich has testified, even by
recourse to mock executions by firing squad. Italy’s military surrender on 8 Septem¬
ber and the prospect of the imminent arrival of the Germans led the prisoners to
revolt in the hope of securing their freedom.
Among those most active in the revolt was Alfonso Failla who had already been
wounded by a bayonet thrust from a carabinieri. Most of the inmates managed to get
free, making their way to their home areas or joining up in the surrounding areas with
their comrades who were already involved in the formation of partisan units. Gener¬
ally speaking, the anarchists joined the ‘Matteotti’ or ‘Garibaldi’ formations, as well
as the ‘Giustizia e Liberia’ units of the Action Party. Furthermore, according to
recent research by Mario Rossi from Livorno, there were the following anarchist
combat groups as well:
In Milan, the ‘Malatesta-Bruzzi’ Brigades.
In the province of Pavia, the ‘Errico Malatesta’ Brigade.
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 32
In Carrara, the ‘G. Lucetti’ formation, the ‘Lucetti bis’ formation, the ‘M. Schirru’
formation, the ‘Garibaldi Lunense’ formation, the ‘Elio’ formation, the ‘R. Macchi-
arini’ SAP unit, the SAP-FAI unit.
In Genoa, the ‘Piscane’ Brigade, the ‘Malatesta’ Brigade, the SAP-FCL unit, the
(Sestri Ponente) SAP-FCF, the Anarchist Action squads (GE-Arenzano).
In Pistoia, the ‘Silvano Fedi’ formation.
In Turin, the 33rd ‘Pietro Ferrero’ SAP Battalion.
In the province of Como, the ‘Amilcare Ciprioni’ formation.
In Florence, the ‘Fanciotto’ formation.
Rossi also offers a list of names which he admits is less than complete, of 103
anarchists martyred by the Nazi-fascists during the Resistance. Despite the political
position of most of the movement’s being in favour of non-participation in the
CFN’s, leading anarchists were featured in some local liberation committees, along¬
side other parties, this was the case in Piombino, Fivomo, Fucca, San Giovanni
Valdamo, Ravenna and Genoa. Other leftwing minority groups had opted to decline
any role in the CFN’s: Bordigists, Trotskyists, councilists, libertarian communists,
radicals, revolutionary socialists and that motley group described as ‘leftwing’
Stalinists.
As for the anarchists, they had displayed, during the period 1940-1945 a discreet
activism in the propaganda field also, publishing around 30 titles, what with
occasional periodicals and one-off issues in clandestinity, despite persecution by the
Nazi-fascists, by Badoglio and by the All ies.
And apropos of the Allies, and given the presence at this symposium of authoritar¬
ian and prestigious Anglo-Saxon historians, let me close by putting some questions to
which answers may perhaps be found in the correspondence in British military
archives. As is common knowledge, the All ies adopted a suspicious attitude towards
the partisan formations, especially towards the leftwing formations and revolutionary
elements. But there are also episodes which, though dubious, are reminiscent of a
real, outright campaign of repression which, in this case could have two aspects: the
physical elimination or political and moral sweeping aside (with the aid of
connivance) of the awkward ones among the Resistance. So what was the role of the
Allied secret services in relations with the Resistance?
Colonel Emilio Canzi (among other things an internee at Renicci) anarchist and
commander of the XIII Zone of the Volunteers for Freedom Corps (CVF) - upwards
of 10,000 partisans - and who used the nom de guerre ‘Franchi’ was killed in an as
yet obscure accident between his motorcycle and an All ied vehicle. The very same
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 33
fate befell another Piacenza anarchist, Savino Fornasari. As for the second aspect of
this repression (the political dismissal), although various factors may have been at
work here, one has the case of Giuseppe Livi, a partisan from Anghiari who, on the
basis of some documents ‘exhumed’ conveniently some years later, was accused of
having been a spy for the OVRA. But the very same charge had already been levelled
at others among the most celebrated leftwing dissidents in Italy.
Giorgio Sacchetti. (Umanita Nova, 21.2.1988)
Part of a paper delivered at a symposium on “World War 2 and mass extermina¬
tion. Outrages and reprisals in the liberation struggle in Arezzo province”, held in
Arezzo in November 1987.
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 34
MEN OF THE RED FLYING COLUMN (YOLANTE ROSSA)
“Let me introduce you to the Red Flying Column
We are partisans from the old formations
Reunited for new actions
Against an enemy that still breaks our hearts. ”
So runs the opening verse of the song that antifascists gathered around the commu¬
nist Giulio Paggio used to sing, to the air of ‘Fischia il vento’ in the People’s House
in Lambrate (Milan province) where the Flying Column was based and had its own
colours.
The Red Flying Column came into existence in May 1945. In all probability, at the
start, its founders had in mind only a political organisation to flank the parties of the
left in their antifascist propaganda and resistance, in a revival of the partisan spirit.
The worker, Giulio Paggio, named by police as the group’s leader, had fought the
Nazi-fascists in the hills of Lombardy and nearly all of those named in the trial
against the Flying Column as its team leaders were themselves ex-partisans... Eligio
Trinchieri, Natale Burato, Luigi Canepari, Angelo Vecchio, Primo Borghini and
Otello Alterchi.
The decision to take up arms against the fascists probably came at a point when the
connivance of the judiciary and the government had allowed the fascist party to
reorganise and countless criminals and torturers of the RSI (Salo Republic) to go
unpunished. The PCI itself bore a very heavy responsibility for this policy: one need
only recall the amnesty signed by Togliatti, the then minister of Justice. A few
months later, fascists jailed for their crimes were to profit by this amnesty.
An indefinite number of fascist bigwigs and bullies were targeted by the Red Hying
Column. These included mi li tia general Ferruccio Gali, and Brunilde Tanzi... both of
them neofascist organisers; the fascist journalist Franco De Agazio; Felice Ghisal-
berti, found not guilty of the murder of PCI leader Eugenio Curiel; the fascist and
factory manager Leonardo Masza. More fortunate were Angelo Marchelli the local
MSI secretary who escaped an assassination bid and engineer Tofanello Della Falck
who was kidnapped from his home and left stark naked in Milan’s Piazza Duomo.
But the Flying Column’s actions were not confined to GAP-style operations; at a
time when police and fascists did not shrink from opening fire on labour demonstra¬
tions they acted as stewards at leftwing meetings and mounted pickets outside strike¬
bound factories. It is worth remembering also its attack upon the premises of the
neofascist newspaper, 7/ Meridiano D'ltalia.’’
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 35
In 1949, when even the PCI had run out of tolerance for this armed group, the
State’s repression called a halt to the feats of the Flying Squad which was outlawed.
A mechanic, Eligio Trinchieri was sentenced to 30 years’ imprisonment whilst
Paggio, Burato and Finardi got away to Czechoslovakia. And fascists were able once
again to rely upon protection from the State. Marco
Rossi (Umanita Nova 7.4.1985)
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 36
What is the Kate Sharpley Library?
The Kate Sharpley Library is a library, archive, publishing outfit and affinity
group. We preserve and promote anarchist history.
What we’ve got
Our collection includes anarchist books, pamphlets, newspapers and leaflets
from the nineteenth century to the present in over twenty languages. The collection
includes manuscripts, badges, audio and video recordings, and photographs, as
well as the work of historians and other writers who have documented the anarchist
movement.
What we do
We promote the history of anarchism by reprinting original documents from our
collection, and translating or publishing new works on anarchism and its history.
These appear in our quarterly bulletin or regularly published pamphlets. We have
also provided manuscripts to other anarchist publishers. People come and research
in the library, or we can send out a limited amount of photocopies.
Why we do it
We don’t say one strand of class-struggle anarchism has all the answers. We
don’t think anarchism can be understood by looking at ‘thinkers’ in isolation. We
do think that what previous generations thought and did, what they wanted and
how they tried to get it, is relevant today. We encourage the anarchist movement to
think about its own history - not to live on past glories but to get an extra perspec¬
tive on current and future dangers and opportunities.
How we do it
Everything at the Kate Sharpley Library - acquisitions, cataloguing, preserva¬
tion work, publishing, answering inquiries is done by volunteers. All our running
costs are met by donations (from members of the collective or our subscribers and
supporters) or by the small income we make through publishing.
How you can help
Please subscribe to our bulletin to keep up with what we're doing. There are
four issues of the Bulletin a year. Or become a Friend, a KSL Friend subscription
gets you the Bulletin and all our publications as they come out.
You can send us anarchist material that you don’t need any more (from books
to badges) - we can pay postage for large loads, but it doesn't have to be large. A
couple of pamphlets will be as gratefully received as anything. Even if you send us
duplicates we can trade with other archives for material we do not have. If you
publish anarchist material, please add us to your mailing list!
www.katesharpleylibrary.net 37
You can send us money too. Details are on our website at:
http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/doc/donations
Keep in touch!
www.katesharpleylibrary.net
www.facebook.com/KateSharpleyLibrary
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